The World From Berlin: Wrestling with Iran - DER SPIEGEL
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The World From Berlin Wrestling with Iran

The five permanent members of the UN Security Council and Germany met in London on Thursday to come up with a package of incentives to persuade Iran to give up its nuclear program. But can Tehran be tempted?
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With the United Nations Security Council continuing to wrestle with exactly what should be done about Iran's apparent nuclear ambitions, the international community met in London on Wednesday to come up with proposals of how to deal with the situation. In the meeting, Europe's "big three" -- Britain, France and Germany -- presented a draft package to the US, Russia and China. The proposals include trade, technology and security benefits for Iran if the country agreed to give up its uranium enrichment program. The package also includes possible sanctions if the offer is rejected.

Russia and China have objected to the threat of sanctions, whereas the US is pushing for a tough council resolution against Iran. Can agreement be reached? Friday's commentators in Germany aren't sure and are divided about what the correct course of action should be. But whatever the solution, they say, it needs to be quick and united.

The left-leaning Die Tageszeitung is skeptical about the American government's intentions. "Washington's aim is to control the entire region, which contains more oil and gas reserves than any other. This objective cannot be reconciled with the existence of the Iranian theocracy, which itself has grand ambitions. Which is why the US wants a change of regime in Iran -- if necessary through a risky military intervention or even the deployment of nuclear weapons." But the commentator also condemns the conciliatory attitude of Moscow and Beijing. Both China and Russia are two of Iran's most important trading partners, both for civilians goods and military equipment. But both countries would also like to limit America's growing influence in the Middle East. "Russia and China are both in a no-win situation. Either they veto the Security Council's proposal for sanctions and jeopardize the relationship of trust which has been built up with the West over the last few years. Or they side with the US and the EU over sanctions against Iran and relinquish their economic and strategic advantages in the region." The paper concludes by saying that the only solution is for the EU to play more of a go-between role to ensure that an agreement is reached to allow Iran the right to enrich low levels of uranium under the strict control of the International Atomic Energy Agency.

The right-leaning daily Die Welt on the other hand expresses doubt about the reliability of Iran. "The Iranian government has in the past made the international community happy by giving promises, which it breaks by the end of the day." And even if Tehran does keep its word, it could go the way of North Korea -- a country which promised to give up its nuclear weapon program in 1994, but since 2005 has been the proud owner of the atomic bomb. "It also exports its rocket technology to rogue states all over the world. North Koreans and Iranians are right now celebrating "friendship weeks." The commentator hopes that pressure from abroad could lead to an economic crisis which would then force a change of regime.

The Financial Times Deutschland also believes that the international community should step up the pressure, writing that "an Iranian bomb would be a catastrophe for the efforts to prevent nuclear proliferation. It should therefore not be tolerated. Which means that enrichment of uranium should also not be tolerated. Anyone who can enrich, can also build a bomb." How exactly this should be done however is difficult -- in particular considering how divided the West is. "The most likely next step is that the Europeans and Americans introduce one-sided sanctions which don't harm anyone. Ahmadinejad wouldn't be able to fly to Paris for a shopping spree because he wouldn't get a visa and his foreign bank accounts would be frozen. The only problem is that the president has until now not often been seen carrying Dior and Chanel shopping bags."

The center-left Süddeutsche Zeitung sees Iran's sudden apparent complicity as nothing more than a repeat of the same old pattern. "Just before an important event -- such as the publication of an inspector's report, or a meeting of the UN Security Council -- Iran always gives hints of cooperation. Yes, the Iranians say, the atomic program will submit to checks. Yes, the rules will be abided by. Suddenly the Iranian government appears to master the art of diplomacy." Until, that is, the next breach of trust. But according to the commentator, Ahmadinejad is not interested in building up trust. "The nuclear program has higher aims: to consolidate and increase Ahmadinejad's totalitarian Islamic system." The paper concludes by warning that despite all the fleeting gestures of moves towards reconciliation from Tehran, the international community must urgently come up with a decisive and concerted strategy of how to contain Iran's ambitions.

-- Damien McGuinness, 12:00 CET

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The Pontiff in Poland

On Thursday Pope Benedict XVI started an official four-day trip to Poland. Apart from a visit to his native Germany, this is Benedict's first official trip since becoming pope last April when he succeeded Pope John Paul II, who was revered in his native Poland. And given the destruction of Poland at the hands of the Nazis in World War II, any trip by a German pope to Poland is bound to prove delicate. The fact that his public appearances are expected to attract 3 million people in total indicates that Poles appear more interested in the fact that Benedict is the pope, than that he is German. Commentators across the border in Germany meanwhile seem intrigued to see how the pope goes down.

The left-leaning daily Berliner Zeitung views the visit as important, particularly because, unlike his predecessor, Benedict XVI doesn't travel much, and this trip is only his second since taking office. "The pope is visiting a country with a nationalistic government, a deeply divided church, and a distrustful attitude towards its Western neighbors and the whole European unification project in general." As a Pole, John Paul II was able to confront such issues head-on, writes the commentator. The German pope will have to form his words much more carefully. "Just how controversial the visit is became apparent even before his arrival, when he was asked by one journalist how he felt, as a German, about visiting Auschwitz." The pope answered by saying that he felt Roman Catholic first and German second, and that the camp is a lesson to the whole world about the value of humanity.

The financial daily Handelsblatt also sees the trip as significant, not only because the pope is German, but also as a result of the changes going on within Polish society. "Almost two decades after the fall of communism, Poland's Catholic church, which to the West has always appeared so unshakeable, has also been sucked into the maelstrom of new democracy and the market economy. Mass unemployment, selfishness within society and loss of religious faith call for new solutions to spiritual care and theology." For the first time problems within the Polish church are being openly discussed and the Catholic press has become more outspoken. The church itself is even being forced to track down members of the clergy who served in the communist secret services, which means that a whole generation of bishops and cardinals will soon be resigning. Such issues mean that Poles, both believers and non-believers, will be flocking to see the pope to hear his advice on the problems of modern society. "And they are particularly interested because the new pope has the reputation for being an intellectual with a profound knowledge of controversial theological and philosophical topics," the commentator concludes.

The conservative daily Die Welt, on the other hand, believes that the Catholic Church in Poland is stronger than ever. The church's remarkable achievements fighting against communism meant that during the 1990s it tried to consolidate its position through political influence. "At the time the official church even went so far as to give recommendations to citizens on how they should vote. The result was that levels of trust in the church dropped rapidly, and most of the population was put off seeing clergy get involved in political issues." As a result, the paper continues, the church went through a learning phase in the 1990s. Today, Poland is trying to maintain a delicate balancing act between church and state. Despite all the recent changes in society Catholicism remains incredibly popular in Poland, writes the commentator. "Around 95 percent of Poles are christened Catholic, almost as many regard themselves as 'believers,' and the number of people who attend mass has not decreased."

-- Damien McGuinness, 2:45 CET