With reporting by Juergen Gottschlich in Istanbul

At first glance, the meeting of European Union government leaders in Brussels this week wouldn't seem to be a riveting story that would have an entire country holding its breath. After all, it's the European Union -- at most one expects empty platitudes and endless compromise. But this week's meeting promises to be different -- and in no other country is that as apparent as in Turkey. The coverage in the country's media is incessant. Article after editorial after analysis piece after television special -- the EU meeting is the only news story Turkey cares about these days. After all, their future depends on it; the EU is deciding whether to invite Turkey to begin negotiations aimed at its full membership in the prestigious 25-member club. Turkey is obsessed.

The obsession is rising out of uncertainty. Despite the constant detours on Turkey's road to the European Union -- a road that began with an application to join in 1959  -- the country's eventual accession was considered more or less inevitable. Even as recently as October when then EU Enlargement Commissioner Guenter Verheugen recommended extending an invitation to Turkey to begin entrance negotiations, eventual membership seemed assured. Yet lately, with the opposition in Germany vowing to prevent a Turkish membership with any means at its disposal, other conservative parties in Europe decidedly skeptical of Turkey, and opinion polls showing that a majority in France and Germany are against the plan, the country's eventual success is suddenly in doubt. And as the doubt has risen, so too has the nervousness and anxiety among Turks.

"I really hope that Turkey gets a green light in Brussels," says the Istanbul sociologist Alev Rutkay. "But," he adds in an accurate reflection of the nation's mood, "I don't really believe it'll happen. They'll find some way to put us off."

"If they don't want to have us, then we shouldn't continue to run after them," another student adds.

The nervous mood of the streets has found its reflection in the Turkish government. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his government have bet its entire future on the EU project and has made EU-related reforms a priority. Yet under the immense strain, even Turkey's biggest EU cheerleader has been having trouble keeping up the appearance of carefree optimism. In a recent interview with the pro-European newspaper Radikal he even admitted for the first time that failure is a very real possibility.

"Turkey will not hesitate to say 'no'"

And on Tuesday, Erdogan even seemed to be preparing his country for a possible rejection of the EU should the union place unacceptable demands on the country for membership. Many in Europe's conservative camp -- led by the German opposition Christian Democrats -- have been arguing for a "privileged partnership" for the country, which would prevent Turkey from being a full member, but would grant them many of the trade benefits enjoyed by other EU countries.

"If conditions that we can't accept are put forth on Dec. 17, Turkey will not hesitate to say 'no,'" a Turkish official, who refused to be identified, quoted Erdogan as saying on Tuesday. "Wanting to give Turkey a special status means not recognizing Turkey and the Turkish people. If there is such a thing, if talks aren't being started or it's going to end in a certain way, then Turkey will decide by itself what it is going to do. Before this and after this, Turkey is a country that can stand on its own two feet."

And it's not just Erdogan. Editorials from Turkey's largest media outlets have been commenting throughout the week on the demands being placed on Turkey. When the first draft of a possible declaration for the EU summit was leaked to the Turkish press, it unleashed total outrage. Abdulatif Sener, Deputy Prime Minister and one of the most important leaders in the governing party said, "We too have red lines that we will not cross."

One of those red lines is Cyprus. The island nation, divided into a Greek Cypriot-controlled south and a Turkish occupied north since the Turkish invasion of the island in 1974, became a member of the EU in May. But so far, Turkey only officially recognizes the Turkish Cypriot state in the north -- the only country in the world that does -- and refuses to recognize the Greek Cypriot government in the south. Cyprus continues to make Turkish recognition of the country a prerequisite for any membership negotiations -- a condition Turkey has so far refused to fulfill. EU and American pressure on Cyprus this week has managed to quiet the demands, but it remains a major hurdle for Turkey and a major bargaining lever for Cyprus. Turkey, for its part, is even more stubborn on the issue following a failed referendum early this year that was intended to reunite the island. Supported by Turkey, the reunification failed when Greek Cypriots -- led by their president Tassos Papadopoulos -- rejected the plan.

Kurds are also making demands

Cyprus isn't Turkey's only open flank. There are many others who are hoping to use the EU lever to pry last-minute concessions out of the Turkish government. The Kurdish Institute of Paris, for example, last week bought a half-page advertisement in both the major French daily Le Monde and in the International Herald Tribune that presented a list of demands signed by prominent members of Turkey's Kurdish population. Autonomy for Kurdistan was mentioned in the advertisement -- although pro-EU Kurdish leader Leyla Zana, the most prominent name on the list, quickly distanced herself from the demand -- as was a demand that Kurds be given a semi-autonomous status within Turkey just like the Turks have on Cyprus.

Christian groups across Turkey are also upset at the apparent willingness of European Catholics and Protestants to use the threat of Muslim hordes from Turkey to oppose its future EU membership. Churches in both France and Germany are arguing that the EU should be a club based on a common Christian belief structure. And problems with the Turkish handling of their Greek Orthodox minority (repeated promises to reopen the world famous seminary on the island of Heybeli in the Marmara Sea have yet to be fulfilled) have been used by European Christians as a possible excuse to deny Turkish membership.

Christians in Turkey, including both the Greek Patriarch Bartholomew and the head of the Armenian Church Patriarch Mutafyan, have repeatedly rejected such posturing and have argued that nothing would be better for them than a Turkish EU membership.

The use of such arguments to hinder Turkish membership has particularly disappointed the Christian Armenian community in Turkey. The Armenian diaspora, especially in France, has been vocal in its criticism of Turkey and of the country's treatment of the Armenian minority. Indeed, there have even been calls to make a Turkish acknowledgement of the early 20th century massacre of the Armenians by Turkish forces a condition of its EU accession.

Once again, the view from within Turkey is a different one. When the first Armenian museum in Turkey opened in Istanbul 11 days ago, the museum's director, Setrak Tokat, explicitly rejected that argument and mirrored Turkey's religious leaders in making the case that an EU membership for Turkey would lead to improvements.

In the end, despite lofty speeches and comments to the contrary, religion will play a big role in the decision about Turkey's membership. It is a topic European papers are also debating intensely this week. Turks realize that the religious arguments represent the country's Achilles heel. And it seems that editorialists are preparing for the worst on that front as well.