Opinion: Olmert's Peace Show - DER SPIEGEL
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Opinion Olmert's Peace Show

Ehud Olmert has surprised the world by inviting Arab leaders to a peace conference. But his enthusiastic words lack substance -- and Olmert risks discrediting the Saudis as the last widely recognized peace brokers.
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Whenever Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert holds a press conference, his advisors hold their breath. They never know what surprises he has in store for them. Experience has taught them that Olmert likes to make the headlines, even if that means acting brashly. Afterwards, his spokespeople often have difficulties explaining just what got ahold of him.

Just recently, the Israeli prime minister surprised his compatriots with the news that his government had already prepared for military operations four months before the beginning of the Lebanon war. Senior military officers were quick to ask mockingly why they never noticed. Another press conference highlight was Olmert's claim that the United States's "great operation in Iraq" had brought "stability" to the Middle East.

On Sunday, it was time for another surprising announcement. With German Chancellor Angela Merkel by his side, Olmert proposed a "meeting of all Arab states" and Israel. News of his words spread around the world in no time. The impression was that a peace summit as revolutionary as that of 1977 was imminent. Back then, Egyptian President Anwar Sadat visited Jerusalem and paved the way for the first peace treaty between Israel and an Arab state.

Saudi Arabia's latest efforts to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict do indeed offer some reason for hope. The Saudi invitation to the two Palestinian parties Fatah and Hamas appears to have helped, at least temporarily, avert a looming Palestinian civil war. And Saudi Arabia successfully pushed for the Arab League to reiterate its offer to make peace with Israel at last week's summit in Riyadh. The Arab states have presented the prospect of fully normalized relations with Israel.

But numerous hurdles must still be cleared in order for that to happen. Hamas's refusal to recognize Israel's right to exist and to fully renounce violence aren't the only such obstacles. The Israeli government is also building its own unnecessary barriers. While it is certainly understandable that Olmert rejects granting all Palestinian refugees the right of return -- a decision that would make Israel's Jewish population a minority -- the same cannot be said of his refusal to negotiate a solution to the unjust expulsions. Especially because the Arab League's general secretary has indicated some flexibility on this issue.

When it comes to determining the future borders of a Palestinian state, Israel is the country that will have to make the greatest sacrifices. The only internationally recognized borders are those of 1967 -- and they are explicitly refered to in the Saudi peace plan. Olmert explicitly rejects them. Recognizing the 1967 borders and dissolving the Jewish settlements in West Jordan would be steps by which Olmert could write history, rather than just making the headlines.

The example of Syria shows how little substance there is behind Olmert's invitation to the Arab states. Damascus has repeatedly declared itself willing to enter into negotiations with Israel. But Olmert has obstructed every attempt at rapprochement that Syria has made. At the very latest, the sincerity of the Israeli prime minister's invitation will be put to a test when Syria accepts it in the coming days.

Olmert's recurrent compliments to the Saudis also threaten to discredit the Arab kingdom as mediator in the Arab world. King Abdullah is already having a tough time selling his peace initiative to radical Arab regimes. Meanwhile, Iran's President Ahamdinejad is taking on the role of Saudi Arabia's regional counterpower. Olmert would be well advised to hold back with his comments about Saudi Arabia's mediating role. Too much praise from Jerusalem could amount to a kiss of death for the patient called "peace process," who has only just awoken from his coma and remains weak.

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